Who are the Chinese Overseas?
(海外华人来自何方)
6 min read
According to a 2020 United Nations estimate, approximately 10.7 million people of Chinese ethnicity live outside China. If their descendants are included, this figure rises to at least 60 million. Among this population, the largest communities reside in Thailand, followed by Indonesia, Malaysia, the United States, Singapore, Canada, and other countries.
Political instability and socioeconomic upheaval have driven Chinese emigration over the past two centuries. In his 1991 book China and the Chinese Overseas, Australian historian Wang Gungwu (王赓武) identified four major patterns of Chinese emigration. Episodes of Huagong (华工)—Chinese labor migration—can be traced to disruptions within China as well as labor demands in host countries. These included the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864), the gold rushes in the United States during the 1850s, and railroad construction in the 1860s. The labor shortages created by the abolition of slavery in the United States further attracted Chinese immigrants.
On the Central Pacific Railroad alone, more than ten thousand Huagong blasted tunnels, built roadbeds, and laid tracks, often under extreme conditions of freezing cold or searing heat. Estimates suggest that between 1,000 and 1,200 Chinese laborers died during the construction of the Transcontinental Railroad. After the railroad boom, many found work in labor-intensive industries, operating shops, restaurants, and laundries in mining towns across California. They also played an important role in developing farmland in the western United States. Over time, resentment grew among those who could not compete with them in the labor market. Among all immigrant groups in the 19th-century United States, Huagong endured some of the harshest discrimination and exploitation. For physical and psychological survival, they formed tightly knit communities that became Chinatowns. Violence against them persisted for decades, and laws such as the Naturalization Act of 1870 and the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 severely restricted Chinese immigration until 1943.
During the 19th century, Huagong migrated not only to the United States but also to Australia, Southeast Asia, South Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, where labor shortages followed the abolition of slavery.
Distinct from Huagong were Huashang (华商)—Chinese merchants who traveled abroad primarily to Southeast Asia between the 1840s and 1920s in pursuit of trading opportunities. These commercial networks partly explain why Huashang communities often maintained a strong Chinese identity, including continued use of the Chinese language among some of their descendants. Economically, the influence of overseas Chinese merchants has been remarkable. Ethnic Chinese business families and entrepreneurs have been major contributors to Southeast Asia’s economic development, and their descendants continue to play a significant role in the region today.
Wang Gungwu described the third group as Huaqiao (华侨), or sojourners. These emigrants left China in the first half of the 20th century primarily for economic reasons and viewed their migration as temporary. Their goal was to earn money abroad, support their families back home, and eventually return to China to live a better life. In many host countries, however, they faced discrimination and were often excluded from full social integration, even after decades of residence. Laws and social norms in countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia made permanent settlement difficult, reinforcing their sojourner mentality.
The fourth group, Huayi (华裔), refers to people of Chinese ancestry from the early 20th century to the present. In 1908, the United States returned the excess portion of the Boxer Indemnity from the 1901 Boxer Protocol (辛丑条约)—approximately 17 million USD—to China, using the funds to establish the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship Program. This program supported the education of about 1,300 Chinese students in the United States. Additionally, during the first half of the 20th century, more than 20,000 government- and self-sponsored Chinese students studied at American universities, some of whom remained in the United States after completing their education.
Between the end of the Pacific War and the 1980s, many students from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau who sought Western education chose to settle permanently in their host countries. This cohort includes my own generation. The next major wave of emigration came from mainland China after the launch of economic reforms in 1980 and has continued to the present. Early migrants were often government-sponsored students or exchange scholars expected to return with new knowledge to support China’s scientific and technological development. More recent migrants have largely been self-sponsored students. Many in both groups chose to remain overseas, drawn by broader career opportunities than those available in their homeland.
Perhaps the most significant driver of emigration in the 21st century has been China’s deepening integration into the global economy. Over the past two decades, for example, economic ties between China and Southeast Asia have led approximately 2.5 million Chinese emigrants to the region. They include businesspeople, professionals, technicians, and both skilled and unskilled laborers. During the same period, China’s investments in energy and infrastructure have driven new waves of migration to Africa, where Chinese emigrants have engaged in trade, construction, and agriculture. Many have settled permanently and raised families there. Today, the Chinese population in Africa is estimated to exceed one million.
The rapid expansion of China’s economy in the early 21st century also produced a wealthy upper class and a new pattern of emigration. These emigrants—often entrepreneurs—seek destinations with lower political uncertainty, greater asset security, higher investment returns, and better educational opportunities for their children. Popular destinations include Singapore, Dubai, Malta, Spain, the United Kingdom, Japan, and the United States.
Overseas Chinese have contributed to their host societies in multifaceted ways, enhancing economic growth, enriching cultural diversity, and advancing science and technology. Notable examples include seven Nobel laureates, two Fields Medal recipients in mathematics, and numerous world-renowned musicians, architects, novelists, and physicians. In Southeast Asia, overseas Chinese have also played prominent roles in political and economic leadership, particularly in countries such as Singapore and Thailand.
Many overseas Chinese are entrepreneurs who create jobs, foster innovation, and drive economic growth. Others work as doctors, engineers, scientists, lawyers, and other professionals. In North America, Australia, and the United Kingdom, overseas Chinese have made particularly significant contributions to science, technology, and business. They also play an important role in promoting Chinese culture through festivals, art, cuisine, and language education, thereby enriching the multicultural fabric of their host societies.
Overseas Chinese frequently serve as active members of local communities, advocating for community interests and contributing to social cohesion. Some engage in politics and public service, influencing policies related to immigration, trade, and multiculturalism and helping to shape more inclusive societies. Their contributions form a vital part of the social and cultural fabric of many countries.
The strong work ethic, sense of responsibility, and entrepreneurial orientation of overseas Chinese have often resulted in relatively high economic status wherever they settle. At the same time, many seek to preserve their cultural heritage by enrolling their children in weekend Chinese language schools, publishing Chinese newspapers and magazines, and organizing cultural events in music, dance, and the arts. Because overseas Chinese originate from regions with differing political systems, identity can carry different meanings for different individuals. Immigrants from Taiwan or Hong Kong, for example, may downplay or reject a Chinese national identity. Defining Chinese identity in cultural rather than territorial terms may therefore foster greater inclusiveness within overseas Chinese communities.
Additional resource for readers: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wTXStstLjK0
Photo credit: Museum of Chinese in America
